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Nearly a Year In, Universal Childcare Is Reshaping Work for Moms in New Mexico

A new study highlights some early impacts of universal childcare on labor supply for mothers in New Mexico.

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Last November, New Mexico made history by becoming the first state in the country to enact a universal childcare program. The landmark policy has offered academics something rare: the chance to study the impact of universal childcare in the United States. And it’s already produced striking results. Since it went into effect, it’s significantly changed how much mothers work, according to by Chris Herbst, a professor at Arizona State University who studies childcare policy. 

Using data collected monthly by the U.S. Census Bureau between May 2019 and August 2026, Herbst compared labor supply for mothers in New Mexico, before and after the policy took effect, and also compared that data to mothers outside the state. His research found an “immediate and substantial increase” in some mothers’ work.

But the results differ substantially by income. “This is really a tale of two kinds of results,” Herbst said in an interview. 

Herbst’s study examined outcomes for low-skill and high-skilled mothers — terms he uses to refer to lower- and higher-income moms. Low-income mothers in New Mexico have seen significant gains in employment since universal childcare was enacted. After the policy, their participation in the labor force and their employment both rose by 18%, according to Herbst’s study. Full-time employment grew by 23%, and the number of hours mothers worked each week increased by 15%. “That’s really, really big,” he said. “The introduction of universal childcare has just had a pretty profound impact on disadvantaged mothers’ employment.”

In fact, the magnitude that Herbst found was much larger than what was produced when Quebec instituted universal, highly subsidized childcare in the late 1990s: Research on that policy found that mothers’ labor force participation relative to its pre-policy level. That’s notable because other that, after Quebec’s program prompted more mothers to work and they paid more in taxes, the program more than paid for itself. While Herbst cautioned that it’s too early to tell if that will be the case for New Mexico’s policy, “It’s looking promising,” he said. 

What his data make clear is that, before universal childcare, the cost of care was a huge financial barrier standing in the way of low-income mothers getting paid jobs; Herbst said that it proves that many couldn’t find care they could afford on the pay they could get from the available jobs. After they were able to partake in universal, free care, however, “Disadvantaged families can now afford to work,” Herbst said.

What he found for higher-income mothers was slightly different. He found that these mothers actually reduced their labor force participation by 8%, their full-time work by 17% and the number of hours they worked each week by 10%. Herbst suggested two possible explanations: either they cut back on full-time work to spend more time at home with their children, or they reduced work so they could go back to school. While the state’s universal childcare program requires all parents in a household to work or engage in other activities like going to school to qualify, it doesn’t impose a minimum number of hours on those activities, so they can do them part time. For these parents, “It increased their options in terms of how they want to spend their time,” Herbst said. Some may now be able to pursue an educational opportunity that could allow them to switch career paths, or to progress faster in the path they’re already on.

Either way, Herbst doesn’t see the reduction in workforce participation among these mothers as a policy failure. Whether it’s enrolling in school or spending more time at home, “these are obviously choices that these families have wanted to make, and now policy has made these choices possible,” he said. That’s actually a common thread for both groups of mothers: “This is a policy that has given these families more choices,” he said. 

As the first state in the country to enact a sweeping, free childcare program, it offers rich ground for research. “I have been waiting 20 years for New Mexico,” Herbst said with a laugh. “This is the policy we’ve needed to evaluate to try to understand universal childcare in the U.S. context.” Up until now, studies of universal childcare have looked at international models, such as Quebec’s program or Norway’s efforts to affordable, universal childcare into law. 

Herbst has also studied the one other time the United States experienced universal childcare: the Lanham Act, a bill passed by Congress in 1940 that was used to create a network of subsidized centers across the country to allow women to work during World War II. Herbst that for each dollar increase in spending on these centers, women’s employment rose 0.1 percentage point, while the hours they spent at work rose by 0.04 hours. Ironically, New Mexico was the one state that didn’t participate in the Lanham Act, Herbst said. 

Children also benefitted from Lanham Act centers: they were more likely to graduate college, work and earn more later in life, and they were less likely to drop out of high school. There may very well also be benefits to New Mexico’s universal childcare program for children’s development and long-term outcomes. When low-income mothers work more and earn more, that’s more they can invest in their families; when higher-income mothers can spend more time raising their children, that is also likely to benefit them. Eventually, children may show signs of higher educational outcomes. But those will be harder to study, and they will also take longer to come to fruition, Herbst noted.

One thing is clear: There is huge demand from New Mexico’s parents for universal childcare. By April, enrollment among children in the state had risen by . More than 30,000 families were participating as of April.

If nothing else, Herbst believes the results he found for mothers’ work should assuage the fears of anyone who wonders whether New Mexico is getting value for the it’s spending on the program. “When you’re increasing mothers’ full-time employment by 23%, you are getting something for your money,” he said. “This paper shows that the state is getting a lot in return.”

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