Students across the country will soon be able to receive Workforce Pell Grants to use toward tuition and fees for certain short-term workforce training programs.

Established by the in 2025, Workforce Pell Grants expand traditional to programs that are between 8-15 weeks, lead to a high-skill, high-wage, or in-demand job, result in a recognized postsecondary credential, and articulate credit into a certificate or degree program, among other requirements.

In December, the U.S. Department of Education (DOE) held a process to develop new rules for Workforce Pell Grants. In one week, negotiators reached an agreement on , which will be used as the basis of DOE鈥檚 forthcoming consensus rule. That consensus rule will be open to public comment before a final rule is published.

In the meantime, states are working to identify potentially eligible programs ahead of Workforce Pell鈥檚 anticipated launch on July 1, 2026. States play a critical role in implementing Workforce Pell 鈥� under the law and proposed regulations, governors must approve any eligible program before a federal approval process takes place.

However, during a Feb. 11 meeting of the , Jeff Cox, president of the N.C. Community College System, expressed caution about the number of programs that may ultimately qualify for Workforce Pell in the state due to the program鈥檚 federally-established . Eligible programs must demonstrate a 70% completion rate, a 70% job placement rate within 180 days, and a positive return on investment, demonstrated through a value-added .

鈥淛ust out of these initial screens 鈥� the number of hours and then the job placement and the completion rates 鈥� I think only about 4% or so of our overall short-term credential programs are going to qualify,鈥� Cox said.

The status of Workforce Pell in North Carolina

During its February meeting, the council heard an update on the status of Workforce Pell Grant implementation in North Carolina from Andrea DeSantis, assistant secretary for workforce solutions at the N.C. Department of Commerce.

DeSantis opened with an overview of Workforce Pell Grants, highlighting that they provide a new opportunity to quickly move students into the workforce through short-term training programs, but that eligible programs must meet high standards.

鈥淭his is really a huge departure from the way that federal funding happens right now and the accountability measures for institutions,鈥� DeSantis said.

DeSantis then outlined the federal timeline for Workforce Pell, noting that she participated as an alternate negotiator during DOE鈥� negotiated rulemaking process in December. DOE鈥檚 goal is to have a final rule by the spring, and according to , the program should launch on July 1.

鈥淭hat timeline is going to move quick, and that means us as states, we have to move quickly too,鈥� DeSantis said. 鈥淲hat will that mean in July? While we have not heard official dates from the Department of Ed, it means that the Department of Ed intends to be able to start reviewing applications from institutions that have programs that were approved at the state level.鈥�

As states consider potentially eligible programs, DeSantis said that it is not the federal government鈥檚 expectation that all short-term training programs will be eligible for Workforce Pell. Instead, she said, 鈥渟tates should take this as an opportunity to say, 鈥榃hat are the needs in communities, and what programs are really essential for us to improve and fund?’鈥�

DeSantis then provided an update on where North Carolina stands in Workforce Pell implementation. Since November 2025, staff from the Governor鈥檚 Office, Department of Commerce, and higher education agencies have worked with , a national consulting firm, to develop the state鈥檚 Workforce Pell approach.

This includes:

• Defining what a high-wage, high-skill, or in-demand job is: DeSantis said these definitions will build off assets from the within the N.C. Department of Commerce. To define in-demand jobs, DeSantis said LEAD has pulled a list of occupations that are in-demand at both the state and local levels. She added that high-skill jobs are those that require a license or additional postsecondary credential, and that no definition has been determined yet for what qualifies as a high-wage job. Importantly, to be eligible for Workforce Pell, a program must lead to a job that meets at least one of these three criteria. For example, a job that is in-demand but low-wage could still be eligible.
• Defining stackability and portability: These are two additional federal requirements for Workforce Pell 鈥� programs must result in a recognized credential, and they must articulate credit into a related certificate or degree program.
• Developing an application process: DeSantis said the group will also develop an application process that accounts for the data that a program must report and the high standards it must meet to qualify for Workforce Pell. 鈥淗ow do we leverage existing assets within the Department of Commerce and our as a potential pathway for institutions to apply?鈥� DeSantis said.
• Determining how Workforce Pell can be leveraged for apprenticeships: DeSantis said that Workforce Pell can be used to cover portions of the cost of related instruction for a Reegistered Apprenticeship Program, which is a component of the policy the group is working on.

In April, the state hopes to have a draft policy and application for Workforce Pell that would be available for public comment. On May 13, the , the state鈥檚 workforce development board, would review the policy and application.

鈥淎ssuming that the federal level has put out their final guidance, we would then plan to have an application available sometime in late May,鈥� said DeSantis. 鈥淭his would give us enough time to approve initial applications before the July deadline.鈥�

DeSantis also noted that the N.C. Community College System (NCCCS) has already published an initial , which is part of the system鈥檚 . This list includes short-term workforce courses and credentials that meet the time limits required by Workforce Pell 鈥� but not all of those programs will necessarily meet the grant鈥檚 additional eligibility requirements.

鈥淚nstitutions have received individualized data to see, 鈥極K, which programs do we offer at our own institutions 鈥� not just across the state 鈥� that we think could be eligible for Workforce Pell,鈥� based on the hour requirements, as well as that completion and job placement data, which is going to be really important,鈥� said DeSantis.

Although all Workforce Pell programs must have existed in their current format for at least one year, DeSantis said this is an opportunity for community colleges to have conversations with employers and consider what new programs or adjustments to current programs may be needed to meet workforce needs in the coming years.

鈥淭his is expected to be a slow start,鈥� DeSantis said of Workforce Pell鈥檚 launch. 鈥淭his is not intended to approve every program, but to really be about intentional design at the state and local level.鈥�

Cox echoed that sentiment, saying he is 鈥渁 little bit underwhelmed鈥� by the number of programs that may qualify for Workforce Pell.

鈥淚鈥檓 excited about it, but I also want to inject a little bit of caution around the level of impact we鈥檙e going to have right out of the gate,鈥� he said.

Updates on the council鈥檚 work

In addition to hearing this update on Workforce Pell, the council also reflected on its work in 2025 and discussed other key efforts that will help advance its goals.

In June 2025, the council outlining the state鈥檚 goals for workforce development, which are separated into four objectives: increasing attainment, expanding work-based education, focusing on key sectors, and highlighting workforce programs through a public outreach campaign. In December, the council released a that outlines 30 strategies to advance those goals.

Then, in January, the council鈥檚 co-chairs joined Gov. Josh Stein at an event to announce the state鈥檚 ranking as first for workforce development by .

鈥淲e now stand at a pivotal moment where strategy development is transitioning into action,鈥� said N.C. Secretary of Commerce Lee Lilley, who is also a council co-chair, at the February meeting. 鈥淎s we move forward today, our focus shifts toward implementation, accountability, and metrics, translating these strategies into meaningful outcomes for North Carolina鈥檚 workforce.鈥�

The council heard a short presentation on how the relates to the work of the council.

Annie Izod, executive director of the NCWorks Commission, shared that as of February, the council and NCWorks Commission had aligned each entities鈥� four committees. In December 2026, the council committees will sunset, and the NCWorks Commission will continue to monitor progress toward the state鈥檚 workforce development goals.

New funding for youth apprenticeships

On Feb. 10, Stein announced that he is directing discretionary funds allotted through the federal Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act (WIOA) to to expand youth apprenticeships.

According to a , NC Career Launch 鈥渉elps businesses develop registered apprenticeship programs for students beginning in grades 11 and 12 in high-demand sectors like child care, health care, skilled trades, and advanced manufacturing.鈥�

This investment is connected to one of the council鈥檚 : to double the number of apprentices in the state, including both registered apprenticeships and apprenticeships. According to , youth apprenticeships can begin as early as 16 and are available in more than 1,200 occupations.

During the council鈥檚 February meeting, Kindl Detar, policy adviser to Stein, said youth apprenticeships allow employers to grow local talent early before students may drop out of the , and they allow students to earn and learn with pathways to career opportunities in their local communities.

According to Detar, the first year of the investment will focus on expanding existing youth apprenticeship programs that have wait lists and on expanding youth apprenticeships in the western part of the state as it continues to recover from .

鈥淲e know that making these apprenticeships work will require engagement from our employers,鈥� said Detar. 鈥淚n his announcement yesterday, the governor had a special call-out to employers to think about how these models of youth apprenticeships 鈥� can be beneficial to them, to not only provide opportunity, but to create that local workforce that they need.鈥�

NCCareers.org sees record number of users

First launched in July 2020, is the state鈥檚 career information system. It aggregates key information on jobs, wages, and pathways, providing career exploration tools to help North Carolinians on their education-to-workforce journey.

During the council鈥檚 meeting, Jamie Vaughn, senior analyst for market intelligence at the North Carolina Department of Commerce, shared that the website had 1 million users in the last 12 months 鈥� representing 95% growth from the previous year.

The website has information on wages and demand across more than 800 occupations that can be sorted by 16 sub-state regions. According to Vaughn, more than half of school districts in the state are to help meet the that all middle and high school students complete a career development plan.

Vaughn also previewed new features that will be added to the website, including business listings of local companies that may hire employees in specific occupations, and information to help high school students better understand what CTE courses are available at their school that will lead to CTE pathways.

Cecilia Holden, president and CEO of , said that one component of myfutureNC鈥檚 proposed Workforce Act of 2026 for the legislative short session is $1.5 million for NCCareers.org, which would equate to $1.50 per user based on 1 million annual users.

For more information on NCCareers.org, see this

The council鈥檚 next meeting will be held on May 13 from 10 to 11:30 a.m.

This first appeared on and is republished here under a .

Workforce Pell is Washington鈥檚 answer. The result of a , effort, the program allows low-income students to use Pell Grants for short-term, job-focused training as well as college.

Now comes the real news and the real test. In December, the U.S. Department of Education鈥檚 rulemaking committee reached consensus on proposed regulations for Workforce Pell, which launches July 1. It is up to the states to identify, approve and submit eligible training programs, with the department providing oversight and verification. These programs must demonstrate that they lead to in-demand jobs.

Participating programs will typically last eight to 15 weeks (or as little as 150 hours), catering to adults who can鈥檛 pause their lives for a two- or four-year degree. The department鈥檚 examples include emergency medical technician and automotive mechanic training, credentials that are directly tied to employment.

This performance element is key, because the U.S. has a long history of short-term programs with glossy marketing and weak payoff. If Workforce Pell becomes an ATM for low-value credentials, it won鈥檛 expand opportunity; it will expand regret. So accountability is built into its program eligibility requirements, something unusual in higher education policy.

Two measures in particular have drawn the most attention, because they are hard to fake.

The first is a mandatory 70% program completion rate and a 70% job placement rate within a defined period. The second is a price-to-value concept, meaning tuition and fees must total less than the amount program completers will earn above 150% of the federal poverty line within three years, adjusted for local cost of living. Programs are ineligible for Workforce Pell if the cost exceeds the calculated earnings gain.

These guardrails are intended to prevent Pell from subsidizing pricey programs that don鈥檛 raise income enough to justify the expense. Workforce Pell is not a blank check. It鈥檚 an invitation to innovate and produce receipts, with built-in accountability based on the premise that public dollars come with public proof. 

Its success will hinge on whether states can do three things well.

First, states need to build data muscle fast. Workforce Pell accountability leans heavily on wage records, completion data and employer validation. That鈥檚 easier said than done, especially when states have fragmented systems, limited longitudinal data capacity and uneven links between education and labor agencies.

Second, states must decide what counts as job placement and enforce it. In the rulemaking discussions, this was a contentious issue. If placement is defined too loosely, accountability becomes theater. If it鈥檚 defined too rigidly, few programs will qualify and the policy will never reach scale.

Third, states must determine which noncredit workforce programs qualify for Workforce Pell grants. Some of the most promising short-term training is noncredit. But some warn that states may lack the information needed to judge these programs, and that opening the door without robust data could invite bad actors. 

For providers, the message is to prepare for accountability that more closely resembles workforce policy than traditional higher education. The consensus framework is explicitly designed to strengthen connections among institutions, states and employers.

And the timeline is tight. The next step is for the department to publish the consensus document as a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, followed by final rules in late spring, to meet the July 1 implementation deadline. Providers that wait for the final Federal Register notice before building employer partnerships, improving completion supports and cleaning up outcomes reporting will be playing catch-up.

Workforce Pell cannot become just another funding stream. If states treat it as a chance to align training, transparency and outcomes, it could become a genuine mobility engine. Here are five practical steps that state leaders can take to make this happen.

1) Someone must own the program-approval pipeline and the outcomes dashboard. Governors should designate a lead agency, like an existing or restructured state workforce board, to convene employers and validate demand.

2) Build a fast but fair approval process with a public list of eligible programs. Students should clearly see which qualify, and why. Keep the approval rubric short, legible and auditable. If it takes a compliance consultant to understand, you鈥檝e already lost.

3) Define clearly what job placement means. If placement counts for determining Workforce Pell eligibility, the definition must be public, consistent and tied to real employment, not vague positive outcomes. This is where the accountability bargain either earns trust or forfeits it.

4) Invest now in data capacity and cross-agency sharing. States that maintain unemployment insurance wage records have a powerful tool if they can securely link them to education and training data. That data plumbing is the difference between an accountable program and a paperwork program.

5) Protect students from the Pell depletion trap. Workforce Pell counts against lifetime Pell eligibility, so low-value programs don鈥檛 just waste time; they can reduce future options. States should require clear disclosures for students and steer them toward credential pathways that lead to jobs that promote real opportunity and upward mobility.

Workforce Pell is about time: shorter programs, faster training, quicker entry to earnings. The department has now moved the policy from legislative concept to a consensus regulatory framework with a real launch date.

From here, the leading actors are not just federal negotiators. They鈥檙e governors, workforce boards, state data leaders and providers who can demonstrate that their programs lead to real jobs and higher pay. That鈥檚 the new bargain. And for once in higher education, accountability isn鈥檛 the afterthought. It鈥檚 the deal.

For example, a was filed this year in the Indiana General Assembly that put forth a novel concept: allow local communities to raise property taxes via a referendum to pay for universal . These property tax funds would pay for pre-K programming in settings such as churches, community-based organizations, district schools, charter schools, and private schools.

State Rep. Blake Johnson, an Indianapolis Democrat, authored the legislation. Voucher-like early childhood education programs that use public money to fund schools of all types 鈥� including private, religious schools 鈥� are widely popular with Democrats in states like and elsewhere. Ironically, the mechanisms in these programs would make the late conservative economist Milton Friedman smile.

While HB 1622 did not receive a hearing this year in the GOP-controlled Indiana House of Representatives, it raises an interesting question. What if something like this was proposed for K-12 schools? Well, it turns out there鈥檚 an answer to that.

Another piece of this session in Indiana calls for property taxes to be shared with public charter schools (not religious or private schools). That bill has garnered support from Republicans and is working its way through the legislative process. Democrats, in contrast to their support of similar efforts for pre-K, have assailed SB 518 as an attack on public education even though charters are public schools. They鈥檝e called it , a , and an .

They have argued, often in hyperbolic terms, that property tax dollars shouldn鈥檛 be shared with schools that lack elected boards, ignoring that if their argument was consistently applied they would be advocating for the abolition of publicly funded libraries, hospitals, and universities. They were so upset by the bill that every Democratic senator present for the floor debate voted for an that would 鈥渄issolve鈥� and 鈥渢erminate鈥� 70% of charter schools in Indiana, leading to the closure of dozens of public schools in largely Democratic Senate districts. That amendment failed on a party-line vote.

The inconsistencies don鈥檛 stop at K-12. There is bipartisan political support for the Federal Pell Grant program, which provides critical scholarships to undergraduate students from low-income backgrounds to attend public or private higher education institutions. Just last year, Congressional Democrats , which is largely indistinguishable from a means-tested voucher program. 

Currently, Congressional Democrats are also on the Trump administration鈥檚 efforts to cut National Institutes of Health funding, which disproportionately goes to private research universities to conduct important research.

This raises the question: Why is it okay to use public funding for private or nonprofit early childhood and higher education providers, but it鈥檚 suddenly the end of democracy when similar mechanisms are used in K-12?

Ashley Berner, Director of the Johns Hopkins Institute for Education Policy, eloquently makes the case that 鈥渆ducational pluralism鈥� is countercultural to the United States鈥� K-12 education system. She argues that in America, even the term 鈥渟chool choice鈥� assumes that the traditional school district is the default education provider. She also points out that U.S. schools were standardized, in part, to uphold traditional Protestant beliefs in publicly funded “nonsectarian” district schools even as the number of Catholics and immigrants continued to grow.

I visited Sweden, certainly not a bastion of U.S.-style conservatism, several years ago to learn more about education systems in other countries. I was surprised to learn that the Swedish education system provides public funding to schools of all types. What we call a 鈥渟chool district鈥� in our country has no meaning in Sweden. There are , all of which receive public funding. In fact, once you study education globally, you quickly learn that the when it comes to educational pluralism.

There is also another, more straightforward, answer. Teachers鈥� unions. 

In terms of political power, few advocacy initiatives hold a candle to teachers鈥� unions. Where are these unions most powerful and active? K-12. Where are they less active and powerful? Early childhood and higher education.

I鈥檝e talked to elected officials who explained to me that the most important day of the year is when they learn how large the union鈥檚 political donation will be. Many have told me privately that they support K-12 school choice, but they could never vote for it because it would lead to a union-funded primary opponent. In other words, voting for increased schooling options for children is political suicide. 

Interestingly, this reality doesn鈥檛 exist at nearly the same level for local elected officials in Indianapolis, as the last two Democratic mayors and the majority of the Democratic-controlled City Council consistently . Why the difference? Perhaps it鈥檚 because the teachers鈥� unions largely stay out of local races, allowing elected officials to vote with their conscience.

To be clear, I鈥檓 not anti-union. I鈥檝e seen the value of unions first-hand. Growing up, my father had a blue-collar union job that afforded my family a middle-class life. But kids aren鈥檛 widgets and don鈥檛 have an organized political force advocating for their interests. 

This dynamic is certainly not confined to Democrats. Both parties are attached to various special interest groups that make it politically difficult to prioritize sound policy over political expediency.

All of this speaks to the need for much more robust local, state, and federal political advocacy strategies to move toward an educational system that values diverse schooling preferences. It also speaks to the power of entrenched customs and political interests in our country that ought to be questioned every once in a while in a nation as large and diverse as ours. 

The next time you see a politician advocating for publicly funded educational pluralism for 4-year-olds, ask them if they support a similar approach for 5-year-olds. Their answer will be telling.

Disclosure: The Mind Trust provides financial support to 麻豆精品.

WASHINGTON 鈥� A measure to ensure the federal student aid form opens up annually by Oct. 1 passed the U.S. House Friday with overwhelming bipartisan support.

The  鈥� which passed 381-1 鈥� came after the U.S. Department of Education faced major backlash over the botched rollout of the 2024-25 , or FAFSA. California Democratic Rep. Zoe Lofgren was the only lawmaker to vote against the bill. 

Though the form got a makeover after Congress passed the FAFSA Simplification Act in late 2020, users faced multiple glitches and technical errors throughout the form鈥檚 soft launch in December and past its full debut in January, prompting processing delays and gaps in submissions.

The department has worked to correct these glitches and close that gap while also fixing major issues that prevented parents without Social Security numbers from completing the form.

Adding another complication, the  it would use a phased rollout of the 2025-26 form in an attempt to address any errors that might arise before it opens up to everyone 鈥� making the application fully available two months later than usual.

鈥淪ince Oct. 1, the Department has conducted three successful beta tests of the 2025鈥�26 FAFSA form to ensure it is ready for all students and families on or before Dec. 1,鈥� U.S. Under Secretary of Education James Kvaal said in a statement shared Monday with States Newsroom, while noting that the department already began its fourth testing stage this past week.

鈥淲e have a fully functioning site and a form working end-to-end that has been successfully submitted by more than 10,000 students, with dozens of schools all over the country receiving the data for student aid packages,鈥� he said.

The department is on track to launch the 2026-27 FAFSA on Oct. 1, 2025, with 鈥渁 fully functioning system,鈥� according to Kvaal. 

Codified deadline

Though the department legally has until Jan. 1 to roll out the form, it typically launches Oct. 1.

U.S. Rep. Erin Houchin, an Indiana Republican and member of the U.S. House Committee on Education and the Workforce, in July  to standardize that deadline.

鈥淚鈥檓 especially frustrated considering the Department of Education has had three years to simplify the FAFSA as Congress has dictated,鈥� Houchin said during floor debate Friday.

She also  from the Government Accountability Office, including that nearly three-quarters of all calls to the call center went unanswered in the first five months of the 2024-25 rollout.

鈥淲e want this program to work 鈥� we want to make sure that children and families that want to send their kids to college have the availability to do that and that the FAFSA is available and workable,鈥� she added.

U.S. Rep. Bobby Scott, ranking member of the House education panel, echoed his support during the floor debate, saying the measure will 鈥渉elp ensure that even more students have the information they need in a timelier manner to access Pell Grants and other vital student aid.鈥�

Scott initially opposed the effort when the committee took it up in July out of concerns that the implementation deadline could force the department to roll out an incomplete form on Oct. 1 of this year.

鈥淗owever, because we鈥檙e now considering the bill after Oct. 1, the deadline will apply next year, 2025, and that gives the department ample time to make improvements and fix any lingering issues,鈥� the Virginia Democrat said.

U.S. Sen. Bill Cassidy, a Louisiana Republican,  in July.

The bill was referred to the U.S. Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, where Cassidy serves as ranking member. After Republicans won a Senate majority in the Nov. 5 elections,  to chair the panel next year. 

This originally appeared on .

When the U.S. Department of Education announced last summer that federal Pell Grants would become available to incarcerated college students, lawmakers and state corrections agencies scrambled to adjust statutes and step up potential partnerships with universities.

But nearly a year later, colleges and agencies are recognizing the steep administrative challenge to winning approval from the U.S. Department of Education. So far, just one new program eligible for the federal financial aid grant 鈥� in California 鈥� has gotten off the ground.

鈥淲e鈥檙e going to see an impact 鈥� it鈥檚 coming. It鈥檚 been a bit slow to arrive because of this quality focus within the regulations,鈥� said Ruth Delaney, who leads a program at the Vera Institute of Justice to help scale up college programs in correctional institutions. 鈥淲hat鈥檚 great is that there鈥檚 a lot of energy in colleges and corrections to start new prison education programs.鈥�

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Pell Grants were officially restored for incarcerated students in July 2023, following a nearly 30-year federal ban that prohibited most incarcerated students from receiving the aid. The ban was one of the provisions in the sweeping signed by President Bill Clinton.

More than 750,000 incarcerated students could potentially become eligible for Pell Grants. But to qualify, they must be below the family income limits and be at a prison that offers a college program approved by the federal Department of Education.

To date, only one has been fully approved, at Pelican Bay State Prison in northern California. Students there will be eligible to receive Pell Grants starting next fall to study for a degree in communications from California State Polytechnic University, Humboldt.

Still, officials from state corrections agencies in Maryland, Michigan and Wisconsin told Stateline that since Pell dollars became available, more colleges and universities have become interested in establishing prison education programs. Since last summer, 44 state corrections agencies and the federal Bureau of Prisons have applications or other systems to approve prison education programs, according to the Vera Institute of Justice.

鈥淭here are people in prison who have been waiting 30 years for this opportunity to come back, and they are just so eager to enroll,鈥� Delaney said in an interview. 鈥淎nything we can do to move quickly to get high-quality programs in place 鈥� that鈥檚 what we鈥檇 like to see.鈥�

State action

The Pell Grant, awarded by the U.S. Department of Education, is provided to low-income students across the country to help cover college expenses. Most students apply online using the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, or FAFSA. Incarcerated students are usually required to submit paper applications because internet access is restricted. The current maximum grant is $7,395 for a full academic year.

While states pay to house incarcerated people in their prison systems, many don鈥檛 pay for higher education; prison college programs often rely on alternative funding, such as donations and state grants. Some are a part of a federal pilot program called the Second Chance Pell Experimental Sites Initiative, which has included about 40,000 incarcerated learners. Otherwise, students have to pay out of their own pockets or use scholarships and donations from nonprofits and colleges.

No matter how it鈥檚 paid for, the goal of providing college-level instruction in prisons is to make it easier for incarcerated people to reenter society once they are released and to connect them to meaningful, good-paying jobs.

鈥淐ollege saved my life. It was a place where I could be free. I could read, I could learn, and I could grow. It was very transformative for me, and I realized that my life wasn鈥檛 over,鈥� said Alexa Garza, who obtained two associate degrees and a bachelor鈥檚 degree while incarcerated in Texas. Garza now works as a Texas policy analyst and higher education justice initiatives analyst for The Education Trust, an education access advocacy group.

Prison education advocates say it鈥檚 important for schools to expand the college experience in prison beyond just offering classes. That means fostering meaningful relationships between professors and students.

鈥淚 didn鈥檛 have family in the courtroom. I had professors in the courtroom,鈥� said William Freeman, who served time in Maryland and now leads the Justice Policy Fellowship at The Education Trust. 鈥淣ow, I鈥檓 a first-gen everything 鈥� college graduate, homeowner. I don鈥檛 think my parents ever made the kind of money I鈥檓 making now.鈥�

Many state lawmakers have worked, with varying outcomes, to boost prison college programs in anticipation that Pell Grants could help more incarcerated students earn degrees.

In Washington state, for example, a set to take effect in June will allow more incarcerated learners to seek both federal and state financial aid grants to cover the costs of postsecondary education programs.

Maryland鈥檚 legislature has sent Democratic Gov. Wes Moore a that would require that the state corrections department help incarcerated students in accessing Pell Grants and set goals for participation. Moore鈥檚 office said the legislation is under consideration.

A Florida that would have allowed students to be eligible for in-state tuition even if they had been incarcerated in the state in the past year made it out of House and Senate committees but was tabled before the legislature adjourned.

And in Montana, lawmakers state corrections officials after a found that prison education and workforce programs are limited, featuring long waitlists and inequitable access between private and public facilities.

New programs and partnerships

Corrections agencies and colleges in several states have recently announced new partnerships, with some soon to become Pell-eligible.

Maryland鈥檚 corrections department recently with the University System of Maryland to provide incarcerated students with the opportunity to obtain bachelor鈥檚 degrees or credit-based certificates from any of the 12 system universities. The university system will also be able to accept Pell Grants.

Danielle Cox, the state corrections department鈥檚 education director, said she aims to have a college or university program at every state facility by 2027.

In Utah, female incarcerated students at the Utah State Correctional Facility can apply to a new bachelor鈥檚 program at the University of Utah through the school鈥檚 Prison Education Project. At least 11 of 15 prospective students already have received their admissions decisions, according to Erin Castro, an associate professor of higher education at the University of Utah and co-founder of the Prison Education Project.

鈥淭his is the first time that the flagship public institution is admitting a currently incarcerated cohort,鈥� Castro said.

The Nebraska Department of Correctional Services and Southeast Community College are to offer more higher education opportunities to students in five state facilities. The college enrolled 229 students this spring semester, and also is working on gaining the federal approval to offer Pell Grants as an official prison education program.

The college now offers an associate of arts degree in academic transfer, and in the fall will offer an associate of applied science in business and more career and technical education programs.

Bureaucratic barriers

But navigating the new application process from the U.S. Department of Education has required significantly more administrative labor, some advocates say.

At least one university so far has decided to pull the plug on its prison education program. Georgia State University cited the feds鈥� new rules for Pell Grants and a $24 million budget cut as reasons to this summer, according to Open Campus, a nonprofit news outlet that reports on higher ed. The program has been in operation since 2016.

鈥淭he shape and tenor of this new system is causing significant damage to the framework of college-in-prison,鈥� Jessica Neptune, the director of national engagement for the Bard Prison Initiative at Bard College in New York, wrote in an email to Stateline.

鈥淢uch of the recent policy work related to Pell, especially, is moving in a direction that makes it harder and harder for colleges to just be colleges and not criminal justice interventions,鈥� she said.

The Department of Education did not directly respond to advocates鈥� concerns about the new application requirements, but said it held a 鈥渘egotiated rulemaking process that enlisted significant stakeholder input to put forward the best regulations possible.鈥�

Some prison education advocates also argue that the new bureaucratic process isolates the mission of educating incarcerated students from that of other students and encourages the 鈥渙thering鈥� of current or formerly incarcerated individuals.

鈥淲henever we are creating separate systems for individuals 鈥� particularly when they鈥檙e incarcerated 鈥� that reinforce processes, isolation and marginalization, it is not going to go well,鈥� said Dyjuan Tatro, a senior government affairs officer with the Bard Prison Initiative and a Bard College alum.

鈥淚ncarcerated students should have the same access to Pell Grants, full stop, as any other students in this country,鈥� Tatro said.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Stateline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Scott S. Greenberger for questions: info@stateline.org. Follow Stateline on and .

While applications for federal student aid dropped by double digits across all 50 states this year, those with universal FAFSA completion policies seemed to fare slightly better, with the majority performing in the top half of the country.

Of the 10 states with the highest completion rates, three 鈥� Louisiana, Illinois and New Hampshire 鈥� have mandatory FAFSA policies for high school seniors. Across all states, Connecticut had the highest completion rate among high school seniors and Alaska had the lowest, according to the

Indiana saw the smallest change year-over-year in its completion rate and Tennessee had the greatest year-over-year swing, with a 44.3% drop 鈥� though it still had the second-highest completion rate in the country. Typically, the stronger states were last year, the further they fell this year, according to the network.

Experts attribute this relative success to the mandatory states having supportive infrastructure that provided students with the tools they needed to navigate the submission process in what has turned into a notoriously problem-ridden year.     

But no state has emerged from the process unscathed. 

鈥淲hile there is certainly some variation across the states, the pattern holds,鈥� said Katharine Meyer, fellow at the Brookings Institution鈥檚 Brown Center of Education Policy. 鈥淲here submissions are down, completions are down. There are large gaps between the high-income and low-income high schools and then it鈥檚 just the magnitude to which those play out in different states.鈥�

This year marked the release of the new form following the , which was meant to streamline and simplify the historically complicated application for federal student aid, expand access to Federal Pell Grants for low-income students and change the way expected family contribution is calculated. But a botched rollout marred by delays and technical glitches 鈥� particularly for students whose parents are undocumented and don鈥檛 have Social Security numbers 鈥� has led to a dramatic drop in the number of students who have been able to submit the form. That’s left seniors in a lurch and both high schools and colleges scrambling.

Not all students have been impacted equally, though. Among those at higher-income schools 鈥� where fewer than half of students qualify for free or reduced-priced lunch 鈥� about 36% completed the FAFSA this year, while only about a quarter of students at lower-income schools have, according to the college attainment network. The year-over-year drop is also significantly higher for students at low-income schools with an almost 10-point difference. 

鈥淚t’s the lowest-income students, the first-generation students, who don’t have additional resources to guide them through this process, who are ultimately paying the price for this rollout,鈥� said Meyer, 鈥渨hich is awful because the entire goal of the FAFSA Simplification Act was to target and support those students and make this an easier process.鈥�

While there have always been gaps between students who have extra support and those who don鈥檛, the added complexities and 鈥渕inefields to navigate鈥� on this year鈥檚 form exacerbated them, she added.
Overall, there鈥檚 been a in the number of forms submitted as compared to the same time last year, according to 麻豆精品鈥檚 analysis of U.S. Department of Education data, and a in the number of forms that have been completed without errors, according to the college attainment network, whose members include school districts and nonprofits.

As of April 9, 16% of FAFSA applications still needed student corrections and about 30% of forms were potentially impacted by processing or data errors, according to a released by the U.S. Department of Education.

The completion rates are of particular significance, according to Bill DeBaun, the network鈥檚 senior director of data and strategic initiatives.

鈥淐ompletions remain the target for NCAN and our members, and it鈥檚 what we鈥檙e encouraging the field to pursue,鈥� he wrote to 麻豆精品. 鈥淗aving a college-intending student who was motivated enough to submit the FAFSA, but who did not connect with financial aid because of an error that they didn鈥檛 correct, is a tragic outcome.鈥�

Sheri Crigger, a college counselor at the School of Cyber Technology and Engineering in Huntsville, Alabama, said the biggest challenge is for students who still don鈥檛 have FAFSA results or aid packages from schools, even as the traditional May 1 decision day deadline quickly approaches. Normally by now, she said, kids would be announcing where they鈥檙e headed in the fall and wearing their new schools鈥� colors. Instead, she said, there鈥檚 just a feeling of uncertainty.

鈥淚 feel for them because there’s not a fix for that until they have the information they need,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 like to be able to kind of point them in a direction [but this year] there is no direction.鈥�

Changing the mindset from optional to required

Nationally, seven states 鈥� Illinois, California, Louisiana, Alabama, Texas, Indiana and New Hampshire 鈥� have implemented universal FAFSA policies and five additional ones 鈥� Connecticut, New Jersey, Kansas, Nebraska and Oklahoma 鈥� have passed them, according to the network. Louisiana, which was the first state to implement a universal FAFSA policy in 2018, to roll theirs back this year. State lawmakers said they were reversing course for a range of reasons, including arguments that the policy prioritized college over trade schools 鈥� although federal aid can often be used for the latter 鈥� and that completion is a for families.

Elizabeth Morgan, the attainment network鈥檚 chief external relations officer, disagreed with their line of thinking.

鈥淯niversal FAFSA is not about penalizing students or holding students back,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 about changing the mindset from optional to required.鈥�

Students 鈥� especially those from lower-income backgrounds 鈥� don鈥檛 always realize that financial aid is available to them until they submit their FAFSA form, Morgan added. They also might not know that the aid can be used at institutions other than four-year universities, such as trade schools and community colleges. Filling out FAFSA, she said, is important for these students because it fixes these misconceptions.
In states where there are mandates or universal FAFSA rules, schools are more likely to integrate support for completion into the school day and create more of a culture around it, leading to a significant increase in filing, according to Meyer, the Brookings fellow. Events such as FAFSA drives can also help to in a typical year by providing families with the tools they need to navigate the cumbersome, complex process.

When looking at the list of top submitters this year, a lot of them are states that have these mandates in place, Meyer said, suggesting that universal policies may have helped insulate them 鈥� and their students 鈥� during the messy rollout.

鈥淭hey still aren鈥檛 good FAFSA submission and completion numbers鈥� but it is less bad than in some other states,鈥� she said.

Some experts in the field remain anxious that this will be an ongoing issue in future years. Meyer warned that there are already signs that next year鈥檚 form won鈥檛 be released on time once again. If the form is delayed but not riddled with errors, she added, students may still avoid this year鈥檚 chaos, especially since institutions are staffing up in anticipation.

鈥淚 do think long term I am an optimist,鈥� she said. 鈥淚’m hopeful that this act will ultimately increase college access for those students, but it’s a bumpy couple of years in the process.鈥�

They鈥檙e called 鈥淧ell runners鈥� 鈥� after enrolling at a community college they apply for a federal Pell grant, collect as much as $7,400, then vanish.

Since fall 2021, California鈥檚 community colleges have given more than $5 million to Pell runners, according to monthly reports they sent to the California Community Colleges Chancellor鈥檚 Office. Colleges also report they鈥檝e given nearly $1.5 million in state and local aid to these scammers.

The chancellor鈥檚 office began requiring the state鈥檚 116 community colleges to submit these reports three years ago, after fraud cases surged.

At the time, the office said it suspected . Because of the COVID-19 pandemic, the federal government loosened some restrictions around financial aid, making it easier for students to prove they were eligible, and provided special one-time grants to help keep them enrolled. Once these pandemic-era exceptions ended in 2023 and some classes returned to in-person instruction, college officials said they expected fraud to subside. 

It hasn鈥檛. In January, the chancellor鈥檚 office suspected 25% of college applicants were fraudulent, said Paul Feist, a spokesperson for the office. 

鈥淭his is getting significantly worse,鈥� said Todd Coston, an associate vice chancellor with the Kern Community College District. He said that last year, 鈥渟omething changed and all of a sudden everything spiked like crazy.鈥�

Online classes that historically don鈥檛 fill up were suddenly overwhelmed with students 鈥� a sign that many of them might be fake 鈥� Coston said. Administrators at other large districts, including the Los Rios Community College District in Sacramento, the Mt. San Antonio Community College District in Walnut, California and the Los Angeles Community College District, told CalMatters that fraudsters are evading each new cybersecurity strategy. 

The reason for the reported increase in fraud is because the chancellor鈥檚 office and college administrators are getting better at detecting it, he said. Since 2022, the state has allocated more than , cybersecurity and other changes in the online application process at community colleges.

The reports the colleges submitted don鈥檛 include how much fraud they prevented. 

The rise in suspected fraud coincides with years of efforts, both at the state and local level, to increase access to community college. Schools are reducing fees 鈥� or making college free 鈥� while legislators have worked to simplify and expand financial aid. Those efforts accelerated during the pandemic, when 

It鈥檚 not surprising, then, that 鈥渂ad actors鈥� would take advantage of the system鈥檚 good intentions, Feist said. 

Financial aid fraud is not new

College officials suspect most of the fake students are bots and often, they display tell-tale signs. In Sacramento, community colleges started seeing an influx of applications from Russia, China, and India during the start of the pandemic. Around the same time, administrators at Mt. San Antonio College saw students using Social Security numbers of retirees. Others had home addresses that were abandoned lots. Uncommon email domains, such as AOL.com, were another red flag. 

These scams aren鈥檛 new. The federal government has long required colleges to report instances of financial aid fraud. Every year, the federal government closes around , including a recent  who stole nearly a million dollars by collecting fraudulent student loans. California community colleges also say they鈥檝e spotted fraudulent applications from people trying to get an .edu email address in order to receive student discounts.

When the chancellor鈥檚 office began requiring community colleges to file monthly reports, it asked for the number of fake applications and the amount of money they gave to fraudsters.

CalMatters submitted a public records request for the data, broken down by campus. After the request was initially rejected, CalMatters appealed and received an anonymized copy of all of the monthly reports, lacking individual campus details. 

The reports show that between September 2021 and January 2024, the colleges received roughly 900,000 fraudulent college applications and gave fraudsters more than $5 million in federal aid, as well as nearly $1.5 million in state and local aid. 

The numbers show that fraud represents less than 1% of the total amount of financial aid awarded to community college students in the same time period. It鈥檚 hard to tell how accurate the data is because compliance is spotty, with some months missing reports from as many as half the colleges. 

More fraud, in more places

To understand how fraud is evolving, the chancellor鈥檚 office uses several sources of information and data, Feist said. One indicator is an atypical bump in applications. 

鈥淚f I saw, for example, that a college that only gets 1,000 applications in some time frame gets 5,000, you kind of know something is probably up,鈥� said Valerie Lundy-Wagner, a vice chancellor for the community college system. 

The chancellor鈥檚 office provided CalMatters with anonymous application data for each month from September 2021 to January 2024. CalMatters analyzed the data using two different techniques to identify statistical outliers in the application data and asked the office to verify the methodology. The office repeatedly declined.

According to the analysis, more than 50 of the state鈥檚 116 community colleges saw at least one unusual spike in the number of applications they received during that time frame. In the last year, colleges have seen more unusual spikes than at any point since 2021. Along with fraud, however, outliers could also reflect normal fluctuations in applications or the . 

鈥淲hat we鈥檙e hearing is that (fraud) is happening more widespread than people are letting on, but people just have their heads in the sand because it looks good to have your enrollment going up,鈥� said Coston with the Kern Community College District. Many college administrators say improvements in artificial intelligence have made it easier for people to attempt fraud on a larger scale. 

Yet clamping down too hard on fraud can have unintended consequences. More than 20% of community college students in California don鈥檛 receive Pell grants they鈥檙e eligible for. Administrative hurdles 鈥� including the verification process 鈥� are one reason why, according to  by researchers at UC Davis. To help, the federal government is trying to simplify its financial aid application, but in some cases, it鈥檚 . 

鈥淲e鈥檝e overcorrected at times, even in policy, and in how stringently we鈥檙e verifying students relative to the amount of fraud in the system,鈥� said Jake Brymer, a deputy director with the California Student Aid Commission. As a result, he said, real low-income students get pushed out.

Kicking real students out of class

Sometimes, the fraud detection backfires on actual students, ousting people like Martin Romero.  

In order to graduate from East Los Angeles College, Romero, 20, must take American history, so last fall he enrolled in an online class where students can watch pre-recorded lectures on their own time. 

He said it鈥檚 all he had time for. Romero takes four classes at East Los Angeles College each semester and serves as its student body president. He also helps out at his family鈥檚 auto body shop, sometimes as much as 15 hours a week. 

On the first day of class last fall, he said the online portal, Canvas, wasn鈥檛 working on his computer.

That day, the American history professor did a test through Canvas, asking students to respond to a prompt in order to prove they were not a bot. Romero didn鈥檛 answer, so the professor dropped him from the class. 

鈥淚 was freaking out,鈥� he said, and wrote to the professor as soon as he found out, begging to be reinstated. The professor told him the class was already full again, so letting him in would mean kicking someone else out. 

For the college鈥檚 Academic Senate, the faculty group that governs academic matters, fake students is one of the top three issues, said its president, Leticia Barajas. 

鈥淲e鈥檙e frustrated with the fact that some of these courses are getting filled really quickly,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e see it as an access issue for our students.鈥�

She said there鈥檚 been an uptick in recent months, especially in certain kinds of online classes, that has forced professors to focus on hunting bots instead of teaching. Professors now are expected to test their students in the first weeks, asking them to submit answers to prompts, sign copies of the syllabus, or send other evidence to prove they are real. 

Increasingly, she said, the bots are evading detection, especially with the help of AI. 鈥淭hey鈥檙e submitting assignments. It鈥檚 gibberish,鈥� she said.

The endless, multi-million dollar game of combating fraud

Campus and state officials described fraud detection as a game of whack-a-mole. 鈥淲hen we get better at addressing one thing, something else pops up,鈥� said Lundy-Wagner. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 sort of the nature of fraud.鈥�

To fight fraud, she said, the chancellor鈥檚 office, the 73 independently governed districts and their colleges all must work together, including those who oversee information technology, enrollment and financial aid. Part of the challenge is that the system is so 鈥渄ecentralized,鈥� she said.

The largest reform underway is , the state鈥檚 community college application portal, which will offer more cybersecurity, Feist said. He also said there are other 鈥減romising鈥� short-term projects. 

One of them, a software tool known as ID.Me, launched in February. The contract with the software company, , gives it permission to check college applicants for identification, including video interviews in certain cases. Privacy experts have warned that the company鈥檚 video technology could be  

To mitigate these privacy concerns and avoid creating enrollment barriers, applicants need to opt in to the new verification software. 

In the first few days after its implementation, 29% of applicants opted in to ID.Me鈥檚 new vetting process. Some applicants started the verification process but never finished, said Feist, while others are ineligible because they鈥檙e under the age of 18. The rest chose not to verify their identity for other reasons, including many who are suspected bots. 

鈥榃e鈥檙e just trying to survive鈥�

In Los Angeles, community colleges have already seen a drop in suspicious applications, said Nicole Albo-Lopez, a vice chancellor with the district. But she鈥檚 skeptical the problem is solved. 鈥淭he lull we see, I don鈥檛 believe we鈥檒l be able to sustain,鈥� she said. 鈥淭hey鈥檒l find another way to come in.鈥� 

Her district is now concerned that bots are trying to steal data or intellectual property, not just financial aid. 鈥淪ay I have 400 sections of English 101 online. There are 400 variations of readings, assignments, peer-to-peer questions that somebody can go in and scrape,鈥� Albo-Lopez said. 

Barajas said faculty at East Los Angeles College are so overwhelmed by bots they haven鈥檛 discussed the potential risk to their intellectual property: 鈥淲e鈥檙e at such a level where we鈥檙e just trying to survive.鈥�

Meanwhile, students like Romero who are wrongly mistaken for bots must develop their own survival skills. When the professor denied the request to re-enroll, he signed up for the same course in the one format that was still available 鈥� in-person. The class met every Monday and Wednesday at 7:10 a.m., and the professor deducted points for anyone who was late.

鈥淚t was torture,鈥� he said, noting that he missed two classes and was late to around four. He finished the class with a B but said he would have had an A if he had gotten into the class he wanted.

As student body president, he said he鈥檚 been outspoken about the issue. While he was able to fulfill his history requirement, he worries that other students may not be so lucky. 

Data reporter Erica Yee contributed to this reporting. 

Adam Echelman covers California鈥檚 community colleges in partnership with Open Campus, a nonprofit newsroom focused on higher education.

WASHINGTON 鈥� President Joe Biden announced Friday that some federal student loan borrowers will have their loans cancelled under the Department of Education鈥檚 new repayment plan.

Starting next month, people who took out under $12,000 in federal student loans and have been repaying those loans for 10 years will get their remaining student loan balance cancelled in the Saving on a Valuable Education Plan, known as SAVE.

鈥淭his action will particularly help community college borrowers, low-income borrowers, and those struggling to repay their loans,鈥� Biden said in a statement.

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鈥淎nd, it鈥檚 part of our ongoing efforts to act as quickly as possible to give more borrowers breathing room so they can get out from under the burden of student loan debt, move on with their lives and pursue their dreams.鈥�

This initiative builds on the Biden administration鈥檚 effort to cancel federal student loan debt following last year鈥檚 U.S. Supreme Court decision that struck down the White House鈥檚 plan for a one-time cancellation of up to $10,000 for federal borrowers. Student loan borrowers who had received Pell Grants 鈥� federal aid to help low-income students pay for higher education 鈥� could have qualified for an additional $10,000 in forgiveness.

, the White House announced its SAVE plan, along with a one-year off-ramp program that would not report borrowers to creditors if they failed to make loan payments once repayment started back up in October.

鈥淎nd, in the wake of the Supreme Court鈥檚 decision on our student debt relief plan, we are continuing to pursue an alternative path to deliver student debt relief to as many borrowers as possible as quickly as possible,鈥� Biden said. 鈥淚 won鈥檛 back down from using every tool at our disposal to get student loan borrowers the relief they need to reach their dreams.鈥�

So far, 6.9 million borrowers have enrolled in SAVE, and of those borrowers, 3.9 million have a $0 monthly payment.

Under the new plan, SAVE calculates payments based on a borrower鈥檚 income and family size and forgives balances after a set number of years. The Department of Education has estimated that most borrowers will save about $1,000 per year under the new plan.

Borrowers who are in the former payment plan 鈥� known as the Revised Pay as You Earn plan 鈥� will automatically be enrolled in the SAVE program.

The states with the highest number of borrowers enrolled in the program include Texas, with 591,700, California with 597,300, Florida with 475,800, New York with 374,300 and Pennsylvania with 289,800.

is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Louisiana Illuminator maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Greg LaRose for questions: info@lailluminator.com. Follow Louisiana Illuminator on and .

To Syrita Steib, the University of New Orleans denied her first application for admission in what seemed like lightning speed.

With equal speed, though, the university accepted her second application. The difference? The second time around, Steib didn鈥檛 disclose her criminal history.

鈥淚 checked the box, I was denied within 24 hours,鈥� said Steib, founder and executive director of . 鈥淲hen I reapplied and didn鈥檛 check the box. I was accepted within 24 hours.鈥�

The box she refers to affirmed that she鈥檇 been incarcerated, serving 10 years for burglary and arson of an auto dealership.

With that prison sentence and her 2016 graduation from UNO behind her, Steib, a member of the Louisiana , launched her organization. Through it, she researched, helped shape and lobbied for legislation resulting in Louisiana becoming the first in a list of what Operation Restoration lists as  banning questions about criminal history on admissions applications to public colleges and universities.

That question, however, isn鈥檛 the only barrier to college for formerly incarcerated people. Others include such things as application fees and lack of understanding of college financing such as student loans.

鈥淭here are structural factors and inequalities in criminal justice, such as poverty, that can shut out individuals from getting an education,鈥� said Wanda Bertram, spokesperson for the .

鈥淚t鈥檚 a really large lift to attend college and work,鈥� said Patrick Rodriguez, co-executive director of the . 鈥淚t takes a lot of dedication to get to the point of even being able to apply. It just takes a bit of extra help to get across the application line.鈥�

Here are some helpful resources and strategies for overcoming some of those hurdles.

Get College Application and Admissions Test Fees Waived

The  provides the how-tos of getting fee waivers for the  accepted by more than 1,000 institutions and what the College Board says are roughly 2,000 colleges and universities that issue those waivers.

Fees for  and tests measuring academic competency also may be waived by those testing companies. Once applicants get either an application waiver or test waiver from one school or testing center, they鈥檙e in a better position to get other waivers because they鈥檝e started gathering information about income, whether they receive food stamps or other public assistance and such.

Before applying to college, of course, applicants must have a high school diploma or .  from the Prison Policy Initiative estimates that roughly 25% have not.

Some of those individuals were incarcerated before age 18 and need help finishing high school by passing the  test, in lieu of earning a diploma, and eventually, with college admissions, said Bertram, of the policy initiative. Those individuals also may seek waivers of the GED tests fee waivers and enroll in free tutoring programs, she said.

Tap Into Peer-Run and Other Re-entry Organizations For Former Prisoners

鈥淒on鈥檛 limit yourself to groups and resources in your state,鈥� Bertram said. You can contact an array of groups and individuals across the country for guidance.

The  is a national organization partnering with ,  and similar organizations.

Additionally, as examples, California State University鈥檚  is expressly for formerly incarcerated students on that campus.

(Some examples of projects offering accredited college instruction to people who begin their education while still behind bars are Tulane University, which partners with Operation Restoration, and the City University of New York, which runs its  program. Also, the )

Searching online for 鈥渇ormerly incarcerated education鈥� and the name of a state will yield such programs and ones that, for example, review applicants鈥� essays and personal statements, aiming to increase their chances of being admitted to college.

Target colleges that don’t require disclosure of criminal history 鈥� and ones that do

Those choosing to include their prison experiences and related background in their college essays may target colleges that openly state that they welcome former prisoners or that don鈥檛 require applicants to disclose their criminal backgrounds. Though New York State, for example, has no law banning disclosure of criminal history on applications to public colleges, applicants to the State University of New York鈥檚 64 campuses and the City University of New York鈥檚 25 campuses don鈥檛 require such disclosure.

Nevertheless, it may not be necessary to limit oneself to schools that either openly embrace former prisoners or that don鈥檛 make them disclose their criminal history. Formerly incarcerated people have been admitted to schools requiring disclosure of their criminal backgrounds. Rodriguez, of the Georgia Coalition for Higher Education in Prison, was one of them.

He submitted to Kennesaw State University, his Georgia alma mater, a 14-page essay detailing the dates and circumstances of his crimes and how he had grown beyond those experiences.

He sought help in crafting his story. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 know if I would have gone to school if Bill Taft from  weren鈥檛 there,鈥� Rodriguez said. 鈥淚t was really nice having somebody hold me accountable and have an honest conversation about what the next steps are in the application process.鈥�

But New Orleanian Steib took a different approach.

鈥淲hen I applied to medical school, I didn鈥檛 apply to any school that said they consider incarceration in their admissions process,鈥� said Steib, now a hospital lab supervisor. 鈥淚 wasted some application fees on schools that did discriminate, but didn鈥檛 list [that reality] on their site.鈥�

Apply for scholarships expressly for former prisoners and federal Pell grants

Income-based , funded by the U.S. Department of Education, are available to the formerly incarcerated and, after being revoked in 1994, .

In addition, several private organizations and colleges themselves give scholarships to formerly incarcerated. They include the , ,  and the .

Dozens of colleges, including ,  and  in California, offer scholarships for those who were formerly incarcerated.

Youth Today is a nonprofit news site for people who care about and work with children and youth.

As students prepare to apply for federal student aid this winter, local colleges are hopeful that a bill proposed in Congress will allow some low-income students to use awarded funds however they need without penalty.

U.S. Sens. Chuck Grassley and Sheldon Whitehouse introduced last week to fully exclude Pell Grants from taxable income and better coordinate the grants with the American Opportunity Tax Credit.

The Tax-Free Pell Grant Act would allow students to use Pell Grants for living expenses without being taxed for them. This frees them up to claim education tax credits, for which many Pell Grant recipients are also eligible.

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鈥淲e expect students to work hard in order to maximize their academic success while in school. Likewise, we ought to ensure our tax code is set up to maximize students鈥� financial success as they pursue higher education,鈥� Grassley said in a news release. 鈥淭his bipartisan proposal would cut through confusing tax rules and permit young Iowans to take full advantage of available financial aid.鈥�

According to a , students can receive up to $2,500 for tuition and course materials through the American Opportunity Tax Credit. By making Pell Grants tax-free, students would no longer have to subtract their Pell Grant amount from expenses for which they claim the tax credit.

This change will primarily affect students attending lower-cost higher education institutions like community colleges. That鈥檚 because it only applies to those whose tuition and other expenses are less than . Iowa Central Community College President Jesse Ulrich said the college has been advocating for this for many years, as around 80% of its students have financial need.

According to the U.S. Department of Education, the a student could receive through a Pell Grant for the 2023-2024 school year is $7,395.

How taxes on the grant work right now, Ulrich said, it鈥檚 almost like a punishment for students who are trying to make the best choices for their financial situation and academic career.

鈥淔or these students, it鈥檚 kind of a double-edged sword,鈥� Ulrich said. 鈥淏ecause community colleges are so affordable that sometimes with (students鈥�) scholarships and Pell Grants, they utilize them for living expenses and then that鈥檚 what they really get taxed on.鈥�

The community college works to help students applying for financial aid, having one-on-one meetings to ensure they know how to correctly file and laying out everything they will receive through their financial aid package, and how that will impact them. One piece of advice staff gives students is to not take too much aid, as it could hurt them later on, like with the current Pell Grant taxing process.

Changes coming in student aid application process

The Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA), through which Pell Grants and other aid are awarded, has seen other this year that will affect students, including when the FAFSA opens for applications and how aid is calculated.

Students used to be able to begin their FAFSA application at the beginning of October, but this year the date has been pushed back to December. The form has also changed to allow those filing to pull tax information directly from the IRS.

Pell grant eligibility has been expanded to include incarcerated students and those whose school closed while they were enrolled or who were found to have 鈥渕isled鈥� them, according to the U.S. Department of Education.

The Expected Family Contribution, which was used to measure a family鈥檚 ability to pay for college, has been changed to the Student Aid Index. It has removed how many students in the family are in college from the formula and has allowed the result to be negative, showing a fuller range of need than the previous formula, which couldn鈥檛 go below zero.

Ulrich said the community college does its best to stay up-to-date with changes and provide that information to students who need it.

鈥淚t sometimes feels like building the plane while it鈥檚 in the air,鈥� Ulrich said. 鈥淏ut we do the best job that we can to communicate with our students so that they don鈥檛 have a financial crisis because they didn鈥檛 know.鈥�

is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Iowa Capital Dispatch maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Kathie Obradovich for questions: info@iowacapitaldispatch.com. Follow Iowa Capital Dispatch on and .

In July, a federal rule change ended this ban, instantly making 767,000 incarcerated people eligible to use Pell鈥檚 $7,395 annual stipend to pay for higher education. For advocates who have long sought this reversal, including college officials and justice reform proponents, there鈥檚 a realization that now, the hard work will begin.

鈥淚t鈥檚 so easy to turn things off,鈥� said Ruby Qazilbash, deputy director of the Policy Office for the federal Bureau of Justice Assistance. 鈥淚t鈥檚 difficult to turn them back on,鈥� she added, referring to the arduous process needed to create new prison education programs. 

Ben Jones, education director for Wisconsin鈥檚 Department of Corrections, issued a warning to college and prison officials: 鈥淚t鈥檚 not only a lot of work, but it鈥檚 expensive work.鈥�

The move back toward allowing incarcerated students to access federal student financial aid began in 2015, when President Barack Obama initiated the . This allowed 67 colleges to begin prison education programs and made Pell funds available to those schools鈥� imprisoned students. By 2021-22, those 6,000 participants had more than doubled, to 13,186, according to a . In all, nearly 41,000 incarcerated students participated in Second Chance Pell, earning about 12,000 credentials.

Then, 2陆 years ago, as part of the FAFSA Simplification Act, Congress that ended the ban, effective this past July. Celebrating the Pell ban rollback at a conference in Washington, D.C., this summer, James Kvaal, undersecretary of the U.S. Department of Education, said that this 鈥渆xpanding opportunity has transcended politics.鈥�

Now, colleges and prisons in nearly every state are attempting to create new initiatives. There鈥檚 no official count of how many schools are starting to offer classes behind bars, but enthusiasm is high, said Ruth Delaney, Vera鈥檚 associate initiative director. 

But crafting a college program inside prison isn’t easy.

There are three main steps: colleges and prisons must design a course of study, have the plan approved by the school鈥檚 accreditors and, if students will attempt to use Pell funds, apply for authorization from the U.S. Department of Education.

Jones is part of his state鈥檚 committee that reviews prospective programs. That group sets concrete guidelines for everything from how students will access technology to how frequently professors will hold office hours. 鈥淲e鈥檝e scared some schools away鈥� because of the number of questions asked, he admitted.

Laura Ferguson Mimms, executive director of the Tennessee Higher Education in Prison Initiative, agreed with Jones. 鈥淥perational things can create so many barriers鈥� in prison programs, she said. 鈥淲e want to know everything鈥� about the plans. 

When building a relationship between a prison and a college, both sides need to 鈥済o slow in order to go fast,鈥� she said. 

The idea of each state setting up a task force to oversee prison education programs is gaining momentum, Delaney said, especially because all federally approved programs need to be reviewed after two years. Having a formal structure in place before a program starts can lessen review surprises, she said. Up to 15 states, including Tennessee, Kansas, Mississippi, Georgia and Michigan, have task forces, Delaney said. These groups typically include college accreditors, state higher education officials, incarcerated people and corrections officials. 

The structure of prison education programs can vary widely, from full-time in-person classes to hybrid to fully online. While most schools prefer in-person instruction, a hybrid option can allow incarcerated students to mix with those who are on campus, Delaney said, sometimes increasing the types of courses that can be offered to those imprisoned. At California鈥檚 Pitzer College, students participating in the Inside-Out program travel to the California Rehabilitation Center to take in-person classes with incarcerated students. Three imprisoned students from the center graduated with bachelor鈥檚 degrees this summer. 

While the rollback marks a major change for higher education prison programs, Delaney said, many may avoid using Pell Grants if they can find funding elsewhere. 鈥淧ell is fantastic, but it鈥檚 very hard to file a FAFSA [form] in prison鈥� because incarcerated students often cannot access the proper documentation, she said. Filing the federal financial aid form is required to receive a Pell Grant.

In states, such as Tennessee and California, that offer residents free community college tuition, it鈥檚 easier to use state funding than Pell Grants. That鈥檚 the case for College of the Redwoods, a community college in northern California that has been running classes at the supermax Pelican Bay State Prison for eight years.

But, using Pell funds is key for a new bachelor鈥檚 degree program being set up by California State Polytechnic University, Humboldt, said Steve Ladwig, director of the school鈥檚 Transformative and Restorative Education Center. 

That program, which begins in January, will enroll students who have completed an associate degree with College of the Redwoods. Although Pell eligibility doesn鈥檛 factor into acceptance decisions, 鈥渨ith Pell, we can serve a lot more students,鈥� Ladwig said. 

Being chosen for Second Chance Pell also changed the University of Wyoming鈥檚 program. The school had started by offering single classes to imprisoned students without putting anyone on a path to a degree. But because Pell funds can cover full-time students鈥� tuition, the university ramped up its Pathways from Prison program, said Robert Colter, co-executive director. 鈥淧ell is absolutely critical for creating a sustainable degree path.鈥� 

Wyoming鈥檚 program started at the state鈥檚 only women鈥檚 prison so the university would not have to deal with students being transferred to other facilities, Colter said. But the school also just launched a program at a men鈥檚 prison for the fall semester, he added.

Like Wyoming, College of the Redwoods began with one group of students taking one class, said Rory Johnson, dean of the Pelican Bay Scholars Program. There are now as many as . 鈥淲e started small and just added as we got better at it,鈥� he said.

Beyond financial considerations, reinstatement of Pell is meaningful for imprisoned students, said Humboldt鈥檚 Tony Wallin-Sato, a formerly incarcerated individual who has earned a college degree. 鈥淚t tells people who are incarcerated, you do deserve this, you are human beings. It validates something.鈥� Wallin-Sato is the program coordinator of the school鈥檚 Project Rebound, a program that helps formerly imprisoned students attend college. 

As colleges explore creating programs behind bars, Colter cautioned, they must pay attention to the demands that starting a prison program places on internal staff. Instructors might have to adjust classes for students who can鈥檛 access the internet or create a way to run a lab inside a correctional facility.

And because prisons are typically located far from college campuses, travel can be a major consideration. Wyoming Women鈥檚 Center is in rural Lusk, 2陆 hours from the university. Because of the distance, classes are hybrid, with most instructors visiting the prison at least once, Colter said. The distance between Humboldt and Pelican Bay is 83 miles; while the university plans to make all its classes face to face, winter might impact traveling on rural roads, officials said. 

While it is typically not difficult to find instructors willing to be part of a prison program, Colter said having the backing of the entire school is vital. In Wyoming鈥檚 program, student support officials go to the prison to help with enrollment and to hunt down transcripts. 鈥淭hat can be really hard sometimes,鈥� he added. 

Johnson agreed that it is important to get different department officials to buy into a program, even if most of them will never visit the prison. For example, Redwoods had eliminated all its paper forms, but because of limitations on technology in the prison, it had to re-create a system to enroll imprisoned students using paper, he said. The school also created a policy to accept unofficial transcripts because so many long-term incarcerated people at Pelican Bay had trouble procuring accurate documents. 

It鈥檚 not clear how many students it might take for a college program to break even financially, said Delaney, adding that Vera plans to conduct a cost analysis of prison programs soon. But Mark Taylor, a formerly incarcerated prisoner who earned a degree at Humboldt, came up with his own calculus. He estimated that California spent $1.5 million to keep him locked up for 21 years. 鈥淚 earned a bachelor鈥檚 degree for under $30,000, and now I鈥檓 paying taxes, a significant amount.鈥� Taylor is a youth outreach coordinator at Project Rebound.

鈥淎t some point, you鈥檙e asking the wrong question if you鈥檙e asking if we can afford鈥� prison education programs, said Maxwell Schnurer, a Humboldt communications professor and the leader of its upcoming prison program. 鈥淚t鈥檚 more like, can we afford to have a bunch of uneducated folks in our community? I would say no.鈥�

鈥淚t鈥檚 not just about having them pass classes,鈥� said Colter. 鈥淲e have a saying at our school: Prepare for complete living. That鈥檚 what I have in mind.鈥�

Convincing students and parents to fill out the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, or the FAFSA, can often be a losing battle 鈥� and completion rates are low in many states across the country.

In Louisiana, state officials have gotten students excited about what seems like a tedious task by turning it into a competition among high schools.

In addition to offering typical FAFSA workshops and seminars, the state took FAFSA-form-filling tables to social events. Twice, before the pandemic, there were pop-up FAFSA events at basketball tournaments, so spectators and athletes and their families could get the important form done while also cheering for their team.  

鈥淵ou know, sports and food here in the South. We love sports and food,鈥� said Tireka Cobb, field outreach services director with the Louisiana Office of Student Financial Assistance.

Each month, the students from the school with the greatest gains in FAFSA completion earn bragging rights when their school鈥檚 name is in the winner鈥檚 spot.  

But the real prize? Money for college.

Across the country, , a direct result of not filling out the FAFSA, according to an analysis of federal student aid data by the National College Attainment Network (NCAN). More than 1.7 million students did not fill out the FAFSA; if they had, NCAN estimates that about 813,000 of them would have been eligible for Pell Grants, the federal financial aid for students with significant economic need. 

To help students take advantage of the grant money the federal government sets aside for them, NCAN recommends that states implement policies similar to Louisiana鈥檚, which requires that students fill out either the FAFSA or opt-out forms in order to graduate. Advocates say that these FAFSA requirements must come with training for educators and counselors, so that students are supported, and so they understand why filling out the application is so important.

Bill DeBaun, director of data and evaluation at NCAN, said that students who think they can鈥檛 afford college and don鈥檛 qualify for aid might think college is out of reach. But if they filled out the FAFSA, they might realize they do qualify for grants that could make college possible, he said.

鈥淩equiring the FAFSA for high school graduation puts it more prominently on the radars of district and school practitioners, and also students and families; it鈥檚 a clear signal states are sending that FAFSA completion is important,鈥� said DeBaun, one of the authors of the report. 鈥淎nd also that considering a postsecondary pathway is also important.鈥� 

This is the first time NCAN has analyzed Federal Student Aid data this way, but their work is modeled closely after an  in 2017 that found $2.3 billion in federal aid went unclaimed, and NCAN said about 61% of high school seniors filled out the FAFSA. NCAN鈥檚 analysis of 2021 data found that about 53 percent of seniors completed the FAFSA, and $3.75 billion went unclaimed.

About 68 percent of Louisiana high school seniors completed the FAFSA in 2021 鈥� the second highest percentage of any state, after Tennessee 鈥� but $44 million still went unclaimed, according to NCAN鈥檚 analysis. A report from the Louisiana Financial Aid Working Group shows that , before the pandemic changed circumstances and allowed any student to use hardship waivers that are otherwise rarely granted.

Beyond working to get buy-in from students, Louisiana trained staffers and added support so that school counselors weren鈥檛 figuring it out alone. The state deployed workers from the Office of Student Financial Assistance and the Department of Education to travel around the state and help run events to help families complete the application. During the pandemic, they ran virtual workshops and offered one-on-one support via Zoom.

Cobb, of the Louisiana Office of Student Financial Assistance, said she thinks the new efforts are working because she feels a sense of pride from schools around the state as they push each other to get more FAFSAs submitted and rise to the top of the leaderboard.
鈥淩equiring the FAFSA for high school graduation puts it more prominently on the radars of district and school practitioners, and also students and families; it鈥檚 a clear signal states are sending that FAFSA completion is important.鈥�

To graduate, students must fill out one of four forms: the FAFSA; a state merit scholarship application that doesn鈥檛 require family financial information; an opt-out form, or a request for a waiver from the school. 

Because many find the FAFSA to be complicated and because significant postsecondary funding depends on it, Louisiana鈥檚 Office of Student Financial Assistance has taken to running monthly error reports on the applications that students submit. For example, the report can identify a missed signature or empty box, so the office can alert the student and help them fix the error.

Louisiana was the first state to make filling out the FAFSA a high school graduation requirement, in the 2017-2018 academic year, and several states have followed with similar policies since then.

California, where students left more than $560 million in Pell dollars unclaimed, according to the NCAN analysis, will be among the next to implement a universal FAFSA policy, after  passed in the state legislature last year. 

The state California Student Aid Commission is still figuring out exactly what the policy will look like in practice, but it鈥檚 clear that, like Louisiana, California will give students and families the chance to opt out of the FAFSA graduation requirement. 

Catalina Cifuentes, chair of the California Student Aid Commission, said the opt-out provision is to protect students ineligible for aid, such as undocumented students, from being barred from graduating. Undocumented students are ineligible to receive federal aid and will instead be required to fill out the Cal Dream Act application for state aid (or opt out). There will also be a more general opt-out provision for families who, for one reason or another, don鈥檛 want to complete the form.

Audrey Dow, senior vice president at the Campaign for College Opportunity, said she is hopeful about what the policy can do for California. She encouraged careful tracking to make sure the policy implementation is equitable from region to region.

Marlene Garcia, executive director of the California Student Aid Commission, said students who think they can鈥檛 afford college often rule themselves out as potential college students before they apply for the FAFSA and learn that they are eligible for aid. The more information they have, the more options they will have for their future, she said. 

鈥淚 think the worst scenario would be that if these are students that are already convinced they are not college material, that they just say, 鈥榃hy am I going to fill out this form? I鈥檓 not going to go to college,鈥� and just opt out,鈥� Garcia said. 鈥淲e have to be bold in helping students understand that most any good, livable-wage job requires some training or education beyond high school.鈥�

This originally appeared at聽聽and is published here in partnership with the聽.

Loans were repeatedly described as a 鈥渓ifetime sentence鈥� in interviews with 100 degree holders. For those enrolled in income-driven enrollment plans that stretch on for upwards of 20 years, growing balances are 鈥渟hackles on their ankle,鈥� and 鈥渓ike Jim Crow,鈥� with virtually no chance of total repayment.

Health scares, job insecurity and refinancing homes or vehicles with high debt-to-income ratios have derailed borrowers鈥� futures and compounded stress, according to the , 鈥淛im Crow Debt: How Black Borrowers Experience Student Loans鈥�. Many feared the only way out from under would be, 鈥渢aking it to my grave鈥� or 鈥渨hen I die.鈥�

Many of the 1,300 Black student loan borrowers are unable to access economic freedom because of their debt. An overwhelming majority cannot sustain savings, according to the advocacy nonprofit.

The majority, 66 percent, regret taking loans in the first place. Only in income-driven plans 鈥� of 2 million who鈥檝e made payments for over 20 years 鈥� have ever had loans cancelled.

It鈥檚 been that Black students 鈥� who because of , are unable to tap into generational wealth 鈥� borrow more and repay at slower rates than peers of other races. 

This report is the first national look at the day-day toll that debt has on Black families. 

It鈥檚 also the first to explore borrower-identified policy solutions, like doubling federal Pell Grants, lower interest rates and realistic debt cancellation. 

鈥淭his is not about individuals making the wrong choices, because they didn’t have good choices to make,鈥� said Victoria Jackson, Education Trust鈥檚 federal and state policy lead on college affordability.

Attempting to get loans forgiven through existing programs is also nearly impossible, graduates say.  

One borrower, named Georgia for anonymity, took out $24,000 in 1990 and owes $125,000 today.

鈥淚 have worked at a nonprofit for 27 years and have tried to work with my multiple loan servicers to get public service forgiveness. I only get the runaround,鈥� said Georgia, who like 72 percent of those surveyed by the Education Trust, is enrolled in an income-driven plan. 

鈥淚 tried the Department of Education, my Congress members,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 am 62 years old and do not know how I will retire.鈥� 

Researcher and co-author Jailil Mustaffa Bishop said student loan policy debates are always 鈥渂ased on Black people’s data, but not really involving actual Black people. We weren’t hearing how Black borrowers were framing their problems and expressing the solution.鈥�

Whether by coincidence or fate, the timing of their project 鈥渃ollided鈥� with national discussions around debt cancellation and the urgent need to reform college affordability.

No 鈥榞ood choices鈥�: How policy enables a lifetime of debt

Like many other borrowers, Georgia, struggling to retire, said she received confusing information as to which loans qualified for public service forgiveness or income-driven-repayment. 

With lower monthly payments and cancellation promised after about 25 years, she chose an IDR plan. Thirty-one years later, she has not had any student loans forgiven and her balance has compounded. 

Her experience mirrors that of 2 million borrowers who鈥檝e . A mountain of red tape and convoluted paperwork stands to keep borrowers in 鈥渓ifetime sentences.鈥� 

Intended as a temporary strategy to help borrowers pay down balances post-college, IDR plans rolled out in 1995. Borrowers pay smaller balances, based on income, and debt spreads out over 20-25 years as opposed to the original 10. 

Once borrowers are back on track, perhaps with higher paying career moves years after graduating, they can go back to standard payment plans. 

But getting 鈥渂ack on track鈥� to paying off the original loan has proven impossible, particularly for Black borrowers, with mounting costs of living, racial wealth gaps and stagnant wages. 

鈥淸An IDR plan] provides immediate relief, but it doesn’t offer a solution to borrowers who are looking at a potential lifetime death sentence, as many Black borrowers in our study described 鈥� It just offers a way for them to kind of manage that debt, but not really a solution to pay it off,鈥� co-author Bishop said.

Today, IDR is touted as the primary solution to the student debt crisis, over cancellation or forgiveness.

Yet those in IDR plans rarely see balances go down, only mount with interest. The high debts harm borrowers鈥� chances of buying homes, renting apartments or accessing credit lines 鈥� even more so than those with typical student loan plans. 

鈥淭hose in the study that were actually enrolled in an IDR plan 鈥� more frequently reported that loans were a source of financial stress. They had a negative impact on their overall mental health, as well as a negative impact on their quality of life,鈥� Education Trust researcher and report co-author Jonathan Davis said. 

About a third of graduates surveyed even postponed having a child because of their student loan debt; about half have put off retirement savings. 

Even more striking, 67 percent of those earning $75-100,000 delayed buying a home because of their student loan debt. The number is nearly just as high, 61 percent, for those with graduate degrees, in theory, better positioned in their careers.  

Chronicling the human toll behind current federal loan policies, the report makes the case for race-conscious reform. 

The future of loan policy, as told by borrowers

鈥淚 mean, realistically, I think the [student loan] system is working exactly as we expect it to 鈥� no one鈥檚 surprised that we somehow built a financial aid process and policy and set that up to only consider your annual salary, as if [Black people] all have the same net assets,鈥� one borrower said.

First and foremost among the solutions, with 80 percent surveyed in support, is wide scale debt cancellation. 

Researchers told 麻豆精品 that when it came time for cancellation through IDR plans or public service loan forgiveness 鈥� which 鈥� Black borrowers were often disqualified because of technicalities.

Jalil Mustaffa Bishop said the administrative process is intentionally difficult, similar to bankruptcy filing.聽

鈥淭here’s a lot of clauses, really it means that a borrower has one misstep that may derail their whole repayment strategy. And that’s also a part of the design … that was built into student loans to make it really hard to get from under this debt. We should see that as a decision that was made, not just kind of an accident that came into being.鈥� 

Common proposals cap forgiveness at $10,000 or suggest 鈥渕eans-testing鈥�, or limiting who is eligible, for example, to those making under $100,000. Yet Black graduates experience greater wealth gaps and higher debt than any of their peers. 

Limits or caps on forgiveness would 鈥渄isproportionately exclude Black borrowers.鈥� They鈥檙e more likely to have high balances and take on graduate school debt to 鈥渉edge against discrimination鈥� in the workforce, the report cautions. They鈥檙e also least likely to amass wealth long term because of systemic racism. 

Four years after graduation, Black graduates typically owe as white graduates 鈥� a result of racial , and needing more in loans because of generational wealth gaps.

Borrowers and , currently capped at $6,495 annually. The increase would entirely eliminate the need for federal student loans for about 75 percent of families living in poverty, and 85 percent of low-income Black families.  

For years, funding declines drove up university tuition as wages stayed stagnant. Accordingly, fewer and fewer families can afford higher education.

And 鈥渢he purchasing power of the Pell Grant, the nation’s most important college grant, has declined significantly,鈥� Education Trust policy expert Jackson said.

The National Study on Black Student Loans research team will roll out more reports on specific populations and issues within the student debt crisis, like Black women and parent borrowers. They鈥檙e also in the process of building a data hub for students, policymakers and advocates to explore research, solutions and students鈥� lived experiences. 

Black borrowers鈥� experiences also point to a need for transparent loan counseling, particularly when facing income-driven plans that compound for decades with lower monthly payments.

鈥淲e still found that those in plans 鈥� that by design are supposed to help you better manage your loan repayments 鈥� are unable to afford basic necessities like food, rent, healthcare, contributing to saving, childcare鈥� We want to humanize that. While these plans by intent were designed to do one thing for black borrowers in our study, they have not yet proved to meet that intention,鈥� report co-author Jonathan Davis said.

Disclosure: Marianna McMurdock was an intern at the Education Trust-West in the summer of 2020.