麻豆精品

When then-Gov. Chris Christie announced in 2015 that Chris Cerf would replace the divisive, albeit visionary, Cami Anderson as superintendent of Newark Public Schools, Star-Ledger editor jeered, 鈥渋f Cerf lasts three years in this job, I鈥檒l light my hair on fire.鈥�

Cerf鈥檚 friends called him a masochist for accepting the offer to lead the state鈥檚 largest and most fractured district.

But for Cerf 鈥� who will step down Thursday after three years on the job, as the district resumes local control after a 22-year state takeover 鈥� it wasn鈥檛 a matter of masochism or pyromania. It was an inherent drive to remedy the inequities of a system ostensibly designed to effectively educate all children, regardless of ZIP code, but that failed them at every level.

In some ways, it was a repeat of 2011, when Cerf agreed to lead the demoralized New Jersey Department of Education after the previous commissioner, Bret Schundler, was fired for botching an application to the Obama administration鈥檚 Race to the Top program (and losing a potential $400 million). The American Enterprise Institute鈥檚 who had recently been hired by Schundler as deputy commissioner, described the deep gloom in the department prior to Cerf鈥檚 arrival as 鈥渢he darkest period of my professional career.鈥�

Why would Cerf take on these two fraught tasks in a state where politics asphyxiates educational reform efforts, where student outcomes are trumped up to justify stasis, where McMansions come bundled with access to high-quality schools?

鈥淚 can鈥檛 think of anything more profoundly unjust than the reality that people are born into circumstances that determine their life outcomes,鈥� he told me recently. 鈥淣o matter where you start, you should have an equal chance. Public education is supposed to be that catalytic force, and it鈥檚 not succeeding in that mission.鈥�

If you look at kids from households in the lowest 10 percent of earnings, he continued, 鈥渂y just about every measure, birth dictates life outcomes. I can鈥檛 understand why it is in this country that this value doesn鈥檛 dominate our policy decisions. Far too often, when that value collides with another, the interests of children are subjugated.鈥�

If you privilege the interests of children over adults, you don鈥檛 care whether a public school is charter or traditional; all that matters is that students have access to high-quality schools. As commissioner 鈥� New Jersey鈥檚 sole charter school authorizer聽鈥� Cerf approved top-flight charters, yet closed down 10 percent of the sector for low performance. 鈥淲e will continue to hold every charter school accountable both for the quality of its educational program and for equality of access to all students,” .

In 2012, a year into Cerf鈥檚 tenure as commissioner, the New Jersey Legislature decided to reform the state鈥檚 teacher tenure and evaluation reform law. Education reformers, advocating for the children, wanted an end to seniority-based layoffs, as did the bill鈥檚 architect, state Sen. Teresa Ruiz. But New Jersey Education Association leaders, as well as lobbyists and legislators dependent on union largesse 鈥斅燼dvocating for the adults 鈥� were adamantly opposed. Ruiz reluctantly inserted the last in, first out layoffs into the draft bill in order to secure passage.

Another commissioner might have played the political game of portraying failure as success. Not Cerf. 鈥淚f this is our one shot at reform,鈥� , 鈥渢his is a terrible disappointment.鈥�

鈥淚 have always visualized the many interests involved in education as a Venn diagram,鈥� he told me. 鈥淭here are the interests of children, the interests of employees 鈥� which are perfectly legitimate 鈥� the interests of commercial outfits like vendors and publishers. The great myth of public education is that the circles of this Venn diagram neatly converge, one concentric circle over another, but the truth is there are so many ways that the circles fail to overlap. My duty, that I hope has guided everything I do in this space, is is to break the tie in favor of children, largely because they have no other advocate.鈥�

In 2014, Cerf resigned as commissioner to run an educational software company called Amplify, located in a trendy part of Brooklyn.

Why exchange such a comfortable gig for a job that got Cami Anderson run out of town? 鈥淚鈥檇 been involved in Newark well before I was commissioner. In fact,鈥� he said, 鈥淚 urged [then-Mayor] Cory Booker to take on the schools there. That鈥檚 why I came back.鈥�

鈥淭here鈥檚 been a tremendous amount of good work done there, but, as is almost inevitable, if you elevate peace and harmony, you鈥檙e going to have a continuation of the status quo,鈥� he explained. 鈥淭he best way to get the same results is to delude yourself into thinking that you can do what hasn鈥檛 worked but do it better. Doing things differently guarantees resistance from those who are invested in the status quo.鈥�

Cerf told Christie he saw two ways forward. One was to 鈥渓ean in, throttle down鈥� on the current path for three more years until the next governor was seated 鈥� 鈥渁 perfectly responsible path.鈥� But that path, he said, would have incurred the great risk that 鈥渨e鈥檒l see in Newark what we saw in New York City鈥� after Mayor Michael Bloomberg left office and his successor, Bill de Blasio, arrived with far more reactionary ideas about public education. 鈥淲hen a new administration comes in, there鈥檚 revenge and reversal.鈥�

The second path, Cerf told the governor, was to use the next three years to build up the empowerment of Newark parents so they鈥檇 insist on a school district that privileges the needs of families 鈥� school choice, high expectations, accountability 鈥� and 鈥渂uild a sense of ownership, have people take a second look and say, 鈥榃e don鈥檛 like everything, but there are foundations here that we want to maintain, not tear down.鈥� 鈥�

For Cerf, this meant leading the district back to local control, repairing relations with city leaders (Ras Baraka became Newark鈥檚 mayor by demonizing Anderson; executive director of KIPP NJ, says Cerf 鈥渉elped Newark heal鈥�), depoliticizing school improvement, and plugging a $100 million budget deficit. And always, always, doubling down on student equity and academic growth.

Indeed, Newark student outcomes are attracting national attention. In October, researchers from Harvard University鈥檚 Center for Education Policy Research released a that showed the district鈥檚 high school graduation rate 鈥渋ncreased dramatically鈥� (from 60 percent to 78 percent), that Newark students made 鈥渟ignificant strides鈥� in closing the achievement gap with the state, and that, controlling for poverty and English learner status, students made 鈥渟ignificant gains鈥� in math and reading between 2009 and 2017.

Another report, from , surveyed 50 cities across the country and found that 鈥渙nly about 8 percent of disadvantaged students were enrolled in 鈥榖eat the odds鈥� schools,鈥� except for one 鈥渙utlier鈥� 鈥� Newark 鈥� with 鈥渃lose to 40 percent of students enrolled in 鈥榖eat the odds鈥� schools in both math and reading.鈥�

鈥淲hat I鈥檓 proudest of,鈥� Cerf told me, 鈥渋s that three times as many African-American kids attend schools that outscore the state average.鈥�

The challenge for Newark as it resumes local control 鈥� the challenge for all of New Jersey, for that matter 鈥� is to preserve Cerf鈥檚 focus on equity, accountability, honesty, and student success. No acts of masochism or hair-lighting required, just the political and ethical will to break the tie in favor of children.

Laura Waters writes about education policy and politics at NJ Left Behind, New York School Talk, Education Post, and other publications. She just finished serving 12 years on her local school board in Lawrence, New Jersey, and was president for nine of those years.

Did you use this article in your work?

We鈥檇 love to hear how 麻豆精品鈥檚 reporting is helping educators, researchers, and policymakers.